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By Katherine Demuth

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There was still lots of singing during breaks (Manalang 1977). Students still loved to collect and memorize favorite quotations, create vocabulary notebooks, and participate in spelling contests and oratorical tournaments (Goulet (1971: 81). English solidiªed its hold as a Filipino as opposed to a colonial language. Near the end of this period Llamzon (1969: 90) noted that Filipinos loved to speak English, especially in Metro Manila. People did not consider it to be a foreign language when it was spoken in the Filipino way.

When children in non-Tagalog speaking areas began their instruction in Tagalog, they could read and write equally well in the local vernacular without instruction (Soriano 1977: 6). In fact, even in rural schools in non-Tagalog areas with their limited facilities, by the middle of the second school year children did well when taught in Filipino (Gonzalez 1985a: 142). The second question was who would teach the classes, especially in nonTagalog speaking areas? According to the 1970 census, 52 percent could speak some form of Pilipino and 44 percent English.

For a long time closely censored reports kept from the American public news of massacred villages and of the infamous water cure where buckets of water were forced down enemy throats. Also, as in Vietnam, when news of these atrocities ªnally broke in the United States, the public demanded that the war be ended and that certain commanders be punished (Gatewood 1975, S. Miller 1982, Van Ells 1995, Welch 1979). On the other hand, most soldiers sought to win the hearts of Filipinos through a program of benevolent assimilation.

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