Download Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the by Eduardo Bonilla-Silva PDF

By Eduardo Bonilla-Silva

Eduardo Bonilla-Silva's acclaimed Racism with no Racists records how underneath our modern dialog approximately race lies a full-blown arsenal of arguments, words, and tales that whites use to account for—and finally justify—racial inequalities. This provocative ebook explodes the idea that the US is now a color-blind society.

The fourth variation provides a bankruptcy on what Bonilla-Silva calls “the new racism,” which gives the fundamental origin to discover problems with race and ethnicity in additional intensity. This variation additionally updates Bonilla-Silva's overview of race in the USA after President Barack Obama's re-election. Obama's presidency, Bonilla-Silva argues, doesn't signify a sea switch in race relatives, yet fairly embodies irritating racial developments of the past.

“As the ‘color-blind,’ ‘post-racial’ consensus hardens, Eduardo Bonilla-Silva continues to be one of many few voices brave adequate to inform the unpalatable fact: black guy within the White apartment doesn't make the USA any much less a home divided. . . this fourth version of Bonilla-Silva’s now-classic Racism with out Racists files in remorseless (and usually hilarious) element the white evasions that permit white denial of the truth of ongoing illicit structural racial advantage.” —Charles W. turbines, Northwestern college

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Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America (4th Edition)

Eduardo Bonilla-Silva's acclaimed Racism with out Racists files how underneath our modern dialog approximately race lies a full-blown arsenal of arguments, words, and tales that whites use to account for—and eventually justify—racial inequalities. This provocative e-book explodes the assumption that the US is now a color-blind society.

Extra resources for Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America (4th Edition)

Example text

Their efficacy, however, derives from the transformations they effect upon the individual’s inner conscience. Aboriginal ceremonies may provide the exotic trappings of cultural alterity—frenetic dancing, loud music, bizarre cults—but the most exhilarating and radical sense of otherness occurs when individuals are modified by the effects of collective interaction. Effervescent Transformations Durkheim considered the sacred’s quality of otherness in his earliest reflections upon religion, although he was quick to point out that the characterization did not imply any intrinsic property or transcendent status since sacred significance is added on to persons, places, or things, and sustained by collective belief and ritual.

Can sociology account for the effects of such intensified contact in a way that convincingly justifies the extraordinary claims Durkheim makes for their results, especially in comparison with the inflammatory portrayal of collective action disseminated by the contemporaneous crowd psychologies? The citation from Elementary Forms opening this chapter guides our overview of the Durkheimian oeuvre because it (1) condenses the multiple dimensions of the sociological problematic by first representing the transformative experience induced within the collective rituals or social practices and (2) demonstrates how the morphological opposition between the sacred and profane phases of social life structures the conditions of possibility for such inner transformations to occur.

Between these extremes, the foundation for collective life is constituted through language and economics, indisputably collective social institutions whose totality defies the grasp or modification of any one individual: The system of signs that I use to express my thoughts, the monetary system that I employ to pay my debts, the credit system that I utilize in commercial relations, the practices followed in my profession, etc. function independently of the uses to which I put them. . 13 Despite the ubiquity of the social, its collective origins are not easily understood: We speak a language we did not create; we use instruments we did not invent; we claim rights we did not establish; each generation inherits a treasury of knowledge that it did not itself amass; and so on.

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